Neo-Nazis in Germany may be unified in their racism, antisemitism and hatred of foreigners. But these days, they do not all look the same.
No longer are right-wing extremists all wearing the Thor Steinar clothing brand, or sporting the skinhead look.
Observers of the far-right in Germany say that neo-Nazis are increasingly seen with piercings, graffiti-look tops, baggy trousers, mohawk haircuts and other accessories that might have led to them being beaten up by right-wing extremists only a few years ago.
Neo-Nazis are still able to recognise each other, says Frank Metzger, education expert at Berlin-based social watchdog group Agency for Social Perspectives. Subtle signs are now common, says Mr Metzger, including pins and pendants bearing the Iron Cross or the "Hammer of Thor", or the tartan-lined Harrington jacket.
But the fact that others do not recognise them can be very dangerous. Increasingly, neo-Nazi youths attending events or demonstrations will violently attack members of minority groups who never saw them coming, Mr Metzger said.
Another watchdog organisation, Last Stop for the Right Wing, has developed its own satirical answer to neo-Nazi fashion. The "Storch Heinar" clothing brand parodies Thor Steinar with its name, its logo - which depicts a stork laying an egg - and in the use of various other Nazi symbols, which are altered for comic effect. "We did it mostly to give people a chance to laugh at Nazis, but we also inform people about the strategies of the extreme right-wingers," said Julian Barlen, a co-founder of Last Stop for the Right Wing. The firm is based in the former East German state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, where the right-wing extremist National Democratic Party of Germany has six seats in the state parliament.
According to the German Office for Protection of the Constitution, violent neo-Nazism is on the rise, although membership in some neo-Nazi parties has dropped.
The office's annual report for 2010, released in May, showed that the number of neo-Nazis with violent tendencies rose markedly in 2010, to a total of 5,600.
The number of people identifying as right-wing extremists dropped from 31,000 in 2009 to 25,000 in 2010. But violence-prone "autonomous nationalists" increased by 200 in 2010, to a total of 1,000.
"Sure, these modern neo-Nazis don't look like Hitler," Mr Barlen said. "They use contemporary music, they use stylish clothes, they do all these things to be cool. And while we think Storch Heinar is a funny answer to that, the subtext is always that young people should be aware of the strategies of the far right."Neo-Nazis in Germany may be unified in their racism, antisemitism and hatred of foreigners. But these days, they do not all look the same.
No longer are right-wing extremists all wearing the Thor Steinar clothing brand, or sporting the skinhead look.
Observers of the far-right in Germany say that neo-Nazis are increasingly seen with piercings, graffiti-look tops, baggy trousers, mohawk haircuts and other accessories that might have led to them being beaten up by right-wing extremists only a few years ago.
Neo-Nazis are still able to recognise each other, says Frank Metzger, education expert at Berlin-based social watchdog group Agency for Social Perspectives. Subtle signs are now common, says Mr Metzger, including pins and pendants bearing the Iron Cross or the "Hammer of Thor", or the tartan-lined Harrington jacket.
But the fact that others do not recognise them can be very dangerous. Increasingly, neo-Nazi youths attending events or demonstrations will violently attack members of minority groups who never saw them coming, Mr Metzger said.
Another watchdog organisation, Last Stop for the Right Wing, has developed its own satirical answer to neo-Nazi fashion. The "Storch Heinar" clothing brand parodies Thor Steinar with its name, its logo - which depicts a stork laying an egg - and in the use of various other Nazi symbols, which are altered for comic effect. "We did it mostly to give people a chance to laugh at Nazis, but we also inform people about the strategies of the extreme right-wingers," said Julian Barlen, a co-founder of Last Stop for the Right Wing. The firm is based in the former East German state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, where the right-wing extremist National Democratic Party of Germany has six seats in the state parliament.
According to the German Office for Protection of the Constitution, violent neo-Nazism is on the rise, although membership in some neo-Nazi parties has dropped.
The office's annual report for 2010, released in May, showed that the number of neo-Nazis with violent tendencies rose markedly in 2010, to a total of 5,600.
The number of people identifying as right-wing extremists dropped from 31,000 in 2009 to 25,000 in 2010. But violence-prone "autonomous nationalists" increased by 200 in 2010, to a total of 1,000.
"Sure, these modern neo-Nazis don't look like Hitler," Mr Barlen said. "They use contemporary music, they use stylish clothes, they do all these things to be cool. And while we think Storch Heinar is a funny answer to that, the subtext is always that young people should be aware of the strategies of the far right."
Source: The JC.com
Saturday 16 July 2011
Friday 1 July 2011
Study: Racism in Germany Increasingly Mainstream
The report presented in Berlin this week was the second part of a study begun in 2006, which questioned 5,000 Germans over 14 about their views of right-wing extremism and concluded that one in four Germans holds xenophobic opinions.
Drawing on interviews with 60 of the initial participants, the survey aimed to establish the roots of prejudice by examining attitudes among people of various ages, social background and profession.
"We were interested in finding out what determines an individual's political opinions, be they far-right or democratic," said project coordinator Dietmar Molthagen.
"For this reason, we set out to examine the interviewees' opinions in the context of their lives," said researcher Oliver Decker.
Mainstream prejudice
He and Elmar Braehler from Leipzig University's Institute for Clinical Psychology and Sociology said their work revealed that racism in Germany is increasingly mainstream: in both eastern and western Germany and across the generations, the public has little compunction about expressing far-right beliefs.
Their conclusion is that the problem lies at the very center of society, undermining the theory that the breeding grounds for right-wing extremism are the parts of the country struck by unemployment and social decay.
37 percent of the population maintain that immigrants come to Germany "to exploit the welfare state," 39 percent think Germany "is dangerously over-run with foreigners," and 26 percent would like "a single, strong party that represents the German community."
The main targets of German prejudice are Turks and Russians, who are seen as parasitical and grasping.
Creature comforts
Drawing on interviews with 60 of the initial participants, the survey aimed to establish the roots of prejudice by examining attitudes among people of various ages, social background and profession.
"We were interested in finding out what determines an individual's political opinions, be they far-right or democratic," said project coordinator Dietmar Molthagen.
"For this reason, we set out to examine the interviewees' opinions in the context of their lives," said researcher Oliver Decker.
Mainstream prejudice
He and Elmar Braehler from Leipzig University's Institute for Clinical Psychology and Sociology said their work revealed that racism in Germany is increasingly mainstream: in both eastern and western Germany and across the generations, the public has little compunction about expressing far-right beliefs.
Their conclusion is that the problem lies at the very center of society, undermining the theory that the breeding grounds for right-wing extremism are the parts of the country struck by unemployment and social decay.
37 percent of the population maintain that immigrants come to Germany "to exploit the welfare state," 39 percent think Germany "is dangerously over-run with foreigners," and 26 percent would like "a single, strong party that represents the German community."
The main targets of German prejudice are Turks and Russians, who are seen as parasitical and grasping.
Creature comforts
However, researchers also identified the emergence of what they call "cultural racism" -- prejudices against marginal groups such as the jobless and the socially disadvantaged. This, the study suggested, reflected a strong pressure to conform to a perceived social norm and a condemnation of those who failed to do so.
With most of the participants saying they felt powerless to help define politics, the study also revealed a widespread disillusionment with democracy and democratic principles.
The findings suggested that most people supported democracy to the extent that it guaranteed personal prosperity, but in its absence, turned immediately to intolerance.
The researchers cited similar attitudes in the 1950s, when the economic miracle proved an obstacle to coming to terms with the past.
"The rapid accumulation of wealth in West Germany [in the post-war years] left no scope for reflection and shame," said researcher Oliver Decker.
Source: DW-World
Sentence in Racist Attack Slammed for Leniency - 11/27/2007
The attack on eight Indian men by a mob of Germans last August has resulted in the first conviction. An 18-year-old man has been ordered to pay €600 for shouting xenophobic abuse. A representative of the victims says the sentence is too lenient.
An 18-year-old German man has been ordered to pay €600 ($890) to a charity in the first conviction resulting from an attack on eight Indian menin August by a group of around 50 Germans, some of whom were chanting "Foreigners out!"
Indian attack victims Gurminder Singh (L) and Kulvir Singh pose for media at market in Doebeln August 22, 2007. German police say a mob who attacked eight Indians in eastern Germany on Saturday night could have had far-right racist motives. Three of the Indians required hospital treatment after 50 people attacked the visitors at a town fair and then besieged them in a pizzeria until rescued. Seventy police were required to disperse the mob. Photo Credit: Reuters/Hannibal Hanschke
Indian attack victim Gurminder Singh pose for media at market in Doebeln August 22, 2007. German police say a mob who attacked eight Indians in eastern Germany on Saturday night could have had far-right racist motives. Three of the Indians required hospital treatment after 50 people attacked the visitors at a town fair and then besieged them in a pizzeria until rescued. Seventy police were required to disperse the mob. REUTERS/Hannibal Hanschke
The man had admitted shouting xenophobic comments during the attack in the eastern town of Mügeln, the Leipzig state prosecutor's office said. Prosecutors had demanded he pay €1,800 and may appeal against the sentencing, handed down by a court in the town of Oschatz.
The case made nationwide headlines and highlighted the problem of racism and far-right attacks on minorities in eastern Germany.
A 23-year-old man is expected to go on trial next week charged with smashing the window of the pizza restaurant where the Indian men sought refuge after getting into a fight during a street festival.
The court ruling against the 18-year-old was criticized by a representative of the Indian men. Marianne Thum, who works for a group that helps the victims of racist attacks, said: "This really makes me angry."
She said the €600 fine which the man has been ordered to pay to a children's charity was far too lenient, and she complained that the victims had not been informed that the court case was taking place.
She said the fine should have at least been paid to an organisation that combats right-wing extremism. "That might have caused the defendants some pain," she said.
Source: Spiegel
'Awareness of Ethnic Discrimination Is Low in Germany' - 08/29/2007
SPIEGEL ONLINE talks to racism expert Nicole Bosch about xenophobia in Germany and what can be done to combat right-wing extremism.
A new report on racism in Europe by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) has revealed that racist violence is on the rise in Germany and that discrimination is commonplace. SPIEGEL ONLINE spoke to racism expert Nicole Bosch from the European Forum for Migration Studies in Bamberg -- which supplied the information about Germany for the FRA report -- about the new findings and how racism can be fought.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: In general, is the problem of racism in Germany getting better or worse?
Bosch: In 2006, the police registered the highest number of politically motivated right-wing crimes since 2001. In contrast to previous years, the 2006 figures also indicate a rise in the number of xenophobic crimes. (In previous years the increase was mainly due to rising propaganda crime figures). In 2006, 484 of the right-wing extremist crimes were registered as xenophobic and violent, compared to 355 cases in 2005.
However, the preliminary figures for the first half of 2007 indicate a strong decrease in xenophobic right-wing crime compared to the preliminary figures for the same period in 2006. Among the 723 xenophobic criminal acts in the first half year of 2007, 148 incidents were violent crimes.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: According to the FRA report, racist crimes increased in Germany in 2006. Does this mean that racism is becoming more of a problem, or does it reflect better reporting of crimes?
Bosch: The drastic increase, especially in violent crimes with a xenophobic background, cannot be explained by better reporting of crimes. The official criminal registration and definition system, the “Criminal Investigation Registration Service -- Politically Motivated Criminality,” (which keeps statistics on political crimes committed across the whole of Germany) had already been introduced as long ago as 2001.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Is racism a particular problem in certain parts of Germany?
Bosch: Concerning the number of right-wing extremist violent crimes, the figures show that eastern Germany tends to be more affected by such crimes than western Germany. In 2005, the highest numbers of such crimes in relation to the total population were recorded in Saxony-Anhalt, where there were 4.29 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants, and Brandenburg (3.78 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants), which are both in eastern Germany. In contrast, the western German states of Hesse and Rhineland-Palatinate displayed the lowest figures, with 0.41 and 0.59 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants, respectively. However, these figures cannot simply be interpreted as meaning there is more or less racism in eastern or western Germany.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: How does Germany compare to other European Union members in terms of racism?
Bosch: Due to different laws, different criminal justice traditions and procedures, it is currently impossible to compare official criminal justice data on racist violence between EU member states. According to the FRA report, criminal justice data on racist violence and crime from a national source is only available in 11 member states. Germany belongs to the majority -- eight out of 11 member states -- which experienced a general upward trend in racist crime during the last five or six years.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Is the average German sensitive to racism as a problem?
Bosch: Attitudes -- especially in an international comparative perspective -- are difficult to assess. For the German context, there are two much-discussed studies which examined xenophobic attitudes in Germany. According to the latest round of the longitudinal (i.e. long-term) Group-Focused Enmity Syndrome (GMF) survey conducted by Bielefeld University's Institute for Interdisciplinary Research on Conflict and Violence, the extent of xenophobic attitudes in 2006 remained at the level of the previous year -- after a constant increase between 2002 and 2005.
In November 2006, the Friedrich-Ebert Foundation released the results of a representative survey on right-wing extremist attitudes among Germans. That study categorized 26.7 percent of the around 5,000 people interviewed as xenophobic. The authors concluded that the phenomenon of right-wing extremism constitutes a political problem not only at the margins, but also in the center of German society.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Would a ban on the far-right National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) help to combat racism?
Bosch: By banning the NPD, the state would show that official institutions are fighting right-wing and xenophobic attitudes with all the means it has at its disposal. In this sense, a ban on the NPD could be one state measure to fight these tendencies.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: What is the bigger problem: right-wing extremism and violence, or "everyday" racism (discrimination in employment, housing etc)?
Bosch: Right-wing extremism and violence are substantially threatening our societies. However these phenomena can not be seen without discrimination -- people suffering in different social fields. This is why FRA does not only monitor racist and xenophobic violence and crimes but also discrimination in the fields of education, employment, housing and health.
But the level of awareness of ethnic discrimination is low in German society. This lack of awareness is also due to the lack of information on the extent of discrimination in Germany. Systematic monitoring or data collection mechanisms on discrimination are not in place in Germany -- neither in the education system, nor in housing, nor in the sphere of employment. Although proxy data clearly show the disadvantaged position of foreigners in various social spheres, these statistics are hardly suitable for unveiling the “real” extent of ethnic discrimination.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Why is Germany "lagging behind" (to quote the FRA report) in implementing the EU Racial Equality Directive?
Bosch: The General Equal Treatment Act (AGG) which was passed in Germany to implement the four EU equality directives (including the Racial Equality Directive) came into force on August 18, 2006 -- more than three years after the July 2003 deadline for the implementation of the EU Racial Directive. Germany's new specialised body for the promotion of equal treatment, the Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency, which is part of the Federal Ministry of Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth, was only recently fully staffed. On the occasion of the first anniversary of the AGG, the heated debate about the act has started up again. In Germany, skepticism towards legal anti-discrimination regulations remains high.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: What can be done to fight racism in Germany?
Bosch: The significant decrease of right-wing and xenophobic tendencies between 2000 and 2003 indicates that the effectiveness of the struggle against extreme right-wing, xenophobic and anti-Semitic developments depends on a combination of immediate state measures (e.g. law enforcement) and the long-term development of social control mechanisms in the society (e.g. awareness raising). It is essential that police authorities enforce the law by consistently registering and forcefully combating such incidents and that the perpetrators are punished adequately.
Furthermore, strong public condemnation of these phenomena by official figures, such as leading politicians and other opinion leaders, affects the perception of racism and xenophobia in the media and in society in general. In addition, the fight against xenophobia and anti-Semitism depends on the commitment and active involvement of civil society, particularly through local initiatives (e.g. round tables), projects and other activities (e.g. demonstrations against xenophobia and educational programs). These civil society activities strengthen mechanisms of social control and condemnation of right-wing violence, xenophobia and anti-Semitism.
In order to ensure the sustainability of the struggle against xenophobia and anti-Semitism -- and this seems to be a shortcoming in Germany -- respective good practice initiatives and projects (e.g. victims' support organisation) must be supported on a long-term basis and continuously institutionalised.
Interview conducted via e-mail by David Gordon Smith
Source: Spiegel
SPIEGEL ONLINE: In general, is the problem of racism in Germany getting better or worse?
Bosch: In 2006, the police registered the highest number of politically motivated right-wing crimes since 2001. In contrast to previous years, the 2006 figures also indicate a rise in the number of xenophobic crimes. (In previous years the increase was mainly due to rising propaganda crime figures). In 2006, 484 of the right-wing extremist crimes were registered as xenophobic and violent, compared to 355 cases in 2005.
However, the preliminary figures for the first half of 2007 indicate a strong decrease in xenophobic right-wing crime compared to the preliminary figures for the same period in 2006. Among the 723 xenophobic criminal acts in the first half year of 2007, 148 incidents were violent crimes.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: According to the FRA report, racist crimes increased in Germany in 2006. Does this mean that racism is becoming more of a problem, or does it reflect better reporting of crimes?
Bosch: The drastic increase, especially in violent crimes with a xenophobic background, cannot be explained by better reporting of crimes. The official criminal registration and definition system, the “Criminal Investigation Registration Service -- Politically Motivated Criminality,” (which keeps statistics on political crimes committed across the whole of Germany) had already been introduced as long ago as 2001.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Is racism a particular problem in certain parts of Germany?
Bosch: Concerning the number of right-wing extremist violent crimes, the figures show that eastern Germany tends to be more affected by such crimes than western Germany. In 2005, the highest numbers of such crimes in relation to the total population were recorded in Saxony-Anhalt, where there were 4.29 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants, and Brandenburg (3.78 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants), which are both in eastern Germany. In contrast, the western German states of Hesse and Rhineland-Palatinate displayed the lowest figures, with 0.41 and 0.59 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants, respectively. However, these figures cannot simply be interpreted as meaning there is more or less racism in eastern or western Germany.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: How does Germany compare to other European Union members in terms of racism?
Bosch: Due to different laws, different criminal justice traditions and procedures, it is currently impossible to compare official criminal justice data on racist violence between EU member states. According to the FRA report, criminal justice data on racist violence and crime from a national source is only available in 11 member states. Germany belongs to the majority -- eight out of 11 member states -- which experienced a general upward trend in racist crime during the last five or six years.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Is the average German sensitive to racism as a problem?
Bosch: Attitudes -- especially in an international comparative perspective -- are difficult to assess. For the German context, there are two much-discussed studies which examined xenophobic attitudes in Germany. According to the latest round of the longitudinal (i.e. long-term) Group-Focused Enmity Syndrome (GMF) survey conducted by Bielefeld University's Institute for Interdisciplinary Research on Conflict and Violence, the extent of xenophobic attitudes in 2006 remained at the level of the previous year -- after a constant increase between 2002 and 2005.
In November 2006, the Friedrich-Ebert Foundation released the results of a representative survey on right-wing extremist attitudes among Germans. That study categorized 26.7 percent of the around 5,000 people interviewed as xenophobic. The authors concluded that the phenomenon of right-wing extremism constitutes a political problem not only at the margins, but also in the center of German society.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Would a ban on the far-right National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) help to combat racism?
Bosch: By banning the NPD, the state would show that official institutions are fighting right-wing and xenophobic attitudes with all the means it has at its disposal. In this sense, a ban on the NPD could be one state measure to fight these tendencies.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: What is the bigger problem: right-wing extremism and violence, or "everyday" racism (discrimination in employment, housing etc)?
Bosch: Right-wing extremism and violence are substantially threatening our societies. However these phenomena can not be seen without discrimination -- people suffering in different social fields. This is why FRA does not only monitor racist and xenophobic violence and crimes but also discrimination in the fields of education, employment, housing and health.
But the level of awareness of ethnic discrimination is low in German society. This lack of awareness is also due to the lack of information on the extent of discrimination in Germany. Systematic monitoring or data collection mechanisms on discrimination are not in place in Germany -- neither in the education system, nor in housing, nor in the sphere of employment. Although proxy data clearly show the disadvantaged position of foreigners in various social spheres, these statistics are hardly suitable for unveiling the “real” extent of ethnic discrimination.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Why is Germany "lagging behind" (to quote the FRA report) in implementing the EU Racial Equality Directive?
Bosch: The General Equal Treatment Act (AGG) which was passed in Germany to implement the four EU equality directives (including the Racial Equality Directive) came into force on August 18, 2006 -- more than three years after the July 2003 deadline for the implementation of the EU Racial Directive. Germany's new specialised body for the promotion of equal treatment, the Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency, which is part of the Federal Ministry of Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth, was only recently fully staffed. On the occasion of the first anniversary of the AGG, the heated debate about the act has started up again. In Germany, skepticism towards legal anti-discrimination regulations remains high.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: What can be done to fight racism in Germany?
Bosch: The significant decrease of right-wing and xenophobic tendencies between 2000 and 2003 indicates that the effectiveness of the struggle against extreme right-wing, xenophobic and anti-Semitic developments depends on a combination of immediate state measures (e.g. law enforcement) and the long-term development of social control mechanisms in the society (e.g. awareness raising). It is essential that police authorities enforce the law by consistently registering and forcefully combating such incidents and that the perpetrators are punished adequately.
Furthermore, strong public condemnation of these phenomena by official figures, such as leading politicians and other opinion leaders, affects the perception of racism and xenophobia in the media and in society in general. In addition, the fight against xenophobia and anti-Semitism depends on the commitment and active involvement of civil society, particularly through local initiatives (e.g. round tables), projects and other activities (e.g. demonstrations against xenophobia and educational programs). These civil society activities strengthen mechanisms of social control and condemnation of right-wing violence, xenophobia and anti-Semitism.
In order to ensure the sustainability of the struggle against xenophobia and anti-Semitism -- and this seems to be a shortcoming in Germany -- respective good practice initiatives and projects (e.g. victims' support organisation) must be supported on a long-term basis and continuously institutionalised.
Interview conducted via e-mail by David Gordon Smith
Source: Spiegel
Racism On the Rise in Germany
The European Union has published a new report on racism in Europe. Germany comes in for criticism on several fronts, including violent crimes and discrimination against foreigners in the job and housing markets.
Racism has become a front-page issue in Germany in recent days after an apparently xenophobic attack on eight Indians in the eastern German town of Mügeln. Now a new European Union report on racism reveals the full extent of the problem -- and shows that everyday racism in the general population is just as much an issue as right-wing extremism.
Gurminder Singh was one of the victims of the recent attack in Mügeln. Just how big a problem is racism in Germany?
The "Report on Racism and Xenophobia in the Member States of the EU" was published Tuesday by the Vienna-based European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) -- an agency which was created on Mar. 1, 2007 to replace the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia.
The report shows that violent racism appears to be on the increase in Germany, with reported incidents of racist violence and crime increasing by 14 percent between 2005 and 2006, going up from 15,914 incidents in 2005 to 18,142 in 2006. However the report did say that the figures for reported crimes "should be interpreted with caution," as an apparent increase can reflect better data collection as well as real increases.
Crime with an extremist right-wing motive also showed an increase, going up from 15,361 incidents in 2005 to 17,597 incidents in 2006, a 14.6 percent increase. "The observation of this apparent upward trend in extremist activity in Germany is supported by reports of increased right-wing attacks noted by victim support organizations in eastern parts of the country," the report's authors write.
However the incidence of anti-Semitic crime in Germany remained fairly constant, with 1,662 incidents in 2006 compared to 1,682 in 2005.
The report also criticized several EU members including Germany for "lagging behind" in the implementation of the EU's Racial Equality Directive. The directive was introduced in 2000 and is the main EU legislation in the area of combating racism and xenophobia. Germany only implemented the legisation in 2006 and the bodies set up to combat discrimination were not fully operational by the end of 2006. Germany also failed to apply "a single sanction" or award compensation in cases of racial discrimination, "even though laws and procedures were in place."
"In Germany, skepticism towards legal anti-discrimination regulations remains high," commented racism expert Nicole Bosch from the European Forum for Migration Studies, which contributed to the FRA report, in an interview with SPIEGEL ONLINE.
One of the areas where discrimination can be seen is laws regarding the wearing of religious symbols. The report gives the example of the decision by a court in Bavaria to upheld a ban on female teachers wearing Islamic headscarves in schools while allowing nuns to wear habits.
Discrimination in Jobs, Education and Housing
Discrimination is also seen in the job market. The report quotes research on second-generation Turkish-Germans carried out in 2006, which showed that "gatekeepers" such as personnel managers are "not only guided by relevant factors like education, qualification and work experience, but also by certain cultural stereotypes and prejudices towards Turkish migrants."
The report also said that significant discrimination in the housing market had been found in studies in Cologne, Hanover, Munich and Berlin.
Germany was also one of the countries singled out as having an educational system "that lead to a high concentration of disadvantaged and/or discriminated pupils in the lowest educational tracks." One reason for discrimination in education, the report says, is resistance to educating immigrant children in their native language. The report gives the example of the city of Dietzenbach in the state of Hesse which decreed German to be the single language in the 12 city nursery schools.
However the report did also single out a number of initiatives which were promising. A campaign in Berlin was introduced to encourage young migrants to apply for vocational training in the administration, police and fire services, while the state government in North Rhine-Westphalia has introduced an action plan to encourage young people with an immigration background to become teachers.
Large companies were also leading the fight against discrimination. In December 2006 the companies Deutsche Bank, DaimlerChrysler, Deutsche BP and Deutsche Telekom jointly signed a "diversity charter," where they commit themselves to promoting diversity in their companies.
As part of efforts to promote diversity, the German bank Commerzbank has set up a "silence room" in Frankfurt which can be used as a place of prayer for Muslim employees, while Deutsche Bank is establishing private worship and meditation rooms for employees of all religious beliefs.
Wednesday 29 June 2011
New film uncovers racism in Germany
Is Germany a racist country? That is what a new documentary, Black on White, is trying to find out. Its findings are shocking. But, as Damien McGuinness reports, the filmmaker himself has been criticized by black Germans for his methods.
For more than a year, journalist Gunter Wallraff travelled across Germany wearing a dark-haired curly wig and with his white skin painted black.
Equipped with a secret camera, and calling himself Kwami Ogonno, he went to predominantly white areas to see how a black man with a foreign accent is treated.
The experience, he said, was even more depressing that he had expected.
"I hadn't known what we would discover, and had thought maybe the story will be, what a tolerant and accepting country we have become," said Mr Wallraff after a screening of the film Black on White in Berlin. "Unfortunately I was wrong."
Equipped with a secret camera, and calling himself Kwami Ogonno, he went to predominantly white areas to see how a black man with a foreign accent is treated.
The experience, he said, was even more depressing that he had expected.
"I hadn't known what we would discover, and had thought maybe the story will be, what a tolerant and accepting country we have become," said Mr Wallraff after a screening of the film Black on White in Berlin. "Unfortunately I was wrong."
Günter Wallraff was almost beaten up by Neo-Nazis after a football match in eastern Germany. Outside a small-town nightclub was told by a skinhead: "Europe for whites, Africa for apes."
But the film's most disturbing aspect is not the well-known racism of right-wing extremists, but rather the secretly-filmed reactions of everyday people - the landlady who says she could not possibly rent out a flat to a black person, or the shop owner who will not let "Kwami" try on an expensive watch, but willingly hands over the same watch to the next customer who is white.
Everyday abuse
For black people in certain parts of Germany such experiences are commonplace, believes Sven Mekarides, general secretary of the Africa Council in Berlin.
Mr Mekarides left his native Cameroon in 1991 and came to study in a small town in eastern Germany.
He says he and his fellow African students experienced racist attacks and abuse every day.
They were spat at, shouted at and beer bottles were thrown at them.
The worst attack took place in the eastern Berlin district of Lichtenberg in 2004, when Mr Mekarides and his girlfriend were surrounded by seven young men armed with knives.
"We soon realized that it was dangerous to travel in groups of less than three people. And we would never let any of the women go anywhere without accompanying them," he said in a Berlin cafe.
He says he and his fellow African students experienced racist attacks and abuse every day.
They were spat at, shouted at and beer bottles were thrown at them.
The worst attack took place in the eastern Berlin district of Lichtenberg in 2004, when Mr Mekarides and his girlfriend were surrounded by seven young men armed with knives.
"We soon realized that it was dangerous to travel in groups of less than three people. And we would never let any of the women go anywhere without accompanying them," he said in a Berlin cafe.
Since then, he said, the situation has not got much better.
According to the Amadeu Antonio foundation there have been 138 racially-motivated murders in Germany since 1990. And last year police registered 140 race attacks in Berlin.
"Those are only the most extreme cases the police know about," said Mr Mekarides.
"Every day we get calls from black people who have been falsely accused of stealing something or insulted on the street."
Clown in a carnival?
Although Mr Mekarides welcomes the discussion about racism the film has sparked off, he believes the filmmaker's exaggerated disguise confirms Europeans' worst stereotypes of an African.
According to the Amadeu Antonio foundation there have been 138 racially-motivated murders in Germany since 1990. And last year police registered 140 race attacks in Berlin.
"Those are only the most extreme cases the police know about," said Mr Mekarides.
"Every day we get calls from black people who have been falsely accused of stealing something or insulted on the street."
Clown in a carnival?
Although Mr Mekarides welcomes the discussion about racism the film has sparked off, he believes the filmmaker's exaggerated disguise confirms Europeans' worst stereotypes of an African.
"He just doesn't look like an African," said Mr Mekarides. "The wig, the make-up and the brightly-coloured shirt are all so over the top, he looks like he's a clown in a carnival.
"After he has washed his skin, he can forget the problem. But black people have this problem every day."
Some German newspaper commentators have accused the filmmaker himself of racism for acting out such a negative stereotype of a black person. The character of Kwami speaks broken German and is childlike in his ignorance of dangerous situations.
Anti-racism pressure groups, meanwhile, have complained that the filmmaker is paternally speaking for black people, rather than with them. Why did he not simply film the experiences of real black people?
"It was crucial that I take on these dangers myself," countered Mr Wallraff. "There's no way that I could delegate this role to someone else.
"I've been accused of being racist. But just imagine if I'd sent a black person into situations that I wasn't prepared to go into myself."
"After he has washed his skin, he can forget the problem. But black people have this problem every day."
Some German newspaper commentators have accused the filmmaker himself of racism for acting out such a negative stereotype of a black person. The character of Kwami speaks broken German and is childlike in his ignorance of dangerous situations.
Anti-racism pressure groups, meanwhile, have complained that the filmmaker is paternally speaking for black people, rather than with them. Why did he not simply film the experiences of real black people?
"It was crucial that I take on these dangers myself," countered Mr Wallraff. "There's no way that I could delegate this role to someone else.
"I've been accused of being racist. But just imagine if I'd sent a black person into situations that I wasn't prepared to go into myself."
Torture and prison
With a celebrated 40-year career of unearthing social injustice, it is impossible to doubt Gunter Wallraff's motivations.
In one assignment he went undercover as an anti-government protestor in 1970s Greece and was tortured and imprisoned.
With a celebrated 40-year career of unearthing social injustice, it is impossible to doubt Gunter Wallraff's motivations.
In one assignment he went undercover as an anti-government protestor in 1970s Greece and was tortured and imprisoned.
The film has won praise for starting a debate about racism in Germany. After a Q&A session with Mr Wallraff in a Berlin cinema, one young black woman said the film was "interesting, helpful and needed for Germany".
She said: "I've lived here all my life, and this is the first time I've ever seen an audience like this discussing this issue."
Racism is viewed as unacceptable by mainstream German society, and many urban areas pride themselves on a multi-cultural tolerant atmosphere.
But there do still exist so-called "no-go areas" - particularly in rural eastern Germany - which anti-racism activists advise non-white people to avoid.
Gunter Wallraff's film has already done a lot to spark discussion about racism. With an ageing population, Germany is now having to come to terms with being a country of immigration.
Clearly the debate is just beginning.
She said: "I've lived here all my life, and this is the first time I've ever seen an audience like this discussing this issue."
Racism is viewed as unacceptable by mainstream German society, and many urban areas pride themselves on a multi-cultural tolerant atmosphere.
But there do still exist so-called "no-go areas" - particularly in rural eastern Germany - which anti-racism activists advise non-white people to avoid.
Gunter Wallraff's film has already done a lot to spark discussion about racism. With an ageing population, Germany is now having to come to terms with being a country of immigration.
Clearly the debate is just beginning.
Source: BBC News
Tuesday 28 June 2011
New Book Reveals Secret Meaning of Neo-Nazi Codes - 06/27/2011
If you were at a German soccer game and saw fans holding up the numbers 14 and 88 in cardboard numerals, you might imagine them to be, say, the shirt numbers of fans' favorite players. But you'd be wrong. In fact, the numbers hold a much more sinister meaning: They are actually neo-Nazi symbols.
It's just one example of how right-wing extremists in Germany use hidden codes to get around a legal ban on Nazi symbols such as the swastika. Very few people know the real meaning of such codes, says Michael Weiss, a German expert on right-wing extremism.
Very few people know the real meaning of such codes, says Michael Weiss, a German expert on right-wing extremism who is one of the authors of the brochure. Nordic-style symbols, as seen on the back of this man's jacket and as a tattoo on his arm, are also popular with right-wing extremists.
Openly Nazi symbols such as the swastika are banned in Germany. Neo-Nazis get around the law by using secret combinations of letter and numbers such as 14 and 88. A new book, "Das Versteckspiel" ("Hide and Seek"), explains the meaning of such codes. Here, a right-wing extremism with tattoos including the number 14 and the "white power" fist logo.
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Here, a right-wing extremist in Berlin wears a shirt featuring the inscription "Frontbann 24," the name of an organization that was banned in 2009. The name is inspired by a Nazi organization that was founded in 1924.
The ancient symbol of the triskelion is also used by right-wing extremists. The clothing label Fred Perry, which made the polo shirt seen here, has long been popular with skinheads of all political persuasions and is worn by some German neo-Nazis. The firm has taken pains to distance itself from the scene.
The number 8 is also a common neo-Nazi symbol. Extremists use it to stand in for the letter H, for Hitler. Here the combination spells out the word "hate." Max H8 is a German streetwear label.
Some neo-Nazis have co-opted imagery previously used by the left-wing. The flag symbols here looks similar to those used by German anti-fascists.
The demonstrator holding the bullhorn is sporting the Black Sun or sunwheel symbol, which is popular with neo-Nazis, on his vest (2006 photo). The man on the right appears to have pieces of adhesive tape on his hoodie, which he could be using to conceal banned symbols.
Some neo-Nazis have taken to wearing the kaffiyeh scarf (seen on the right), a symbol of Palestinian nationalism, "as a symbol of struggle against Israel," says Weiss.
Here, a right-wing extremist (holding flag) has clearly been inspired by Adolf Hitler's personal look. The man next to him is wearing a T-shirt from the clothing firm Masterrace Europe, whose products are worn by neo-Nazis.
Thor Steinar is one of several German clothing labels associated with neo-Nazis.
Thor Steinar is one of several German clothing labels associated with neo-Nazis.
... to these left-wing demonstrators protesting against a neo-Nazi rally in Dresden.
Weiss, who has been researching right-wing clothing and symbols for 10 years, is one of the authors of a new brochure titled "Das Versteckspiel" ("Hide and Seek"). The publication, which is aimed at teachers, social workers and youth group leaders, is designed to raise awareness of right-wing codes, which are often displayed at football games. "We want the soccer teams and the major fan clubs to be able to recognize the codes," Weiss told SPIEGEL.
Secret Codes 'Everywhere'
The brochure, which is published by a Berlin-based anti-racism group, Agentur für Soziale Perspektiven, lists 150 codes that are used by right-wing extremists, including certain clothing labels such as Thor Steinar and letter and number combinations. According to Weiss, the number 14 is a reference to the so-called "14 Words," a phrase coined by the American white separatist David Lane ("We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children"). The meaning behind "88" -- often found in conjunction with 14 -- is slightly more complicated. Here, the number eight stands for the eighth letter of the alphabet, forming "HH" -- an abbreviation for "Heil Hitler," a phrase which is banned in Germany. Similarly, the number 28 signifies "BH," standing for "Blood and Honour," a far-right network that was banned in Germany in 2000.
The secret code numbers can be found "everywhere," says Weiss, including on license plates, tattoos and on signs at football games. "There are fans who travel 400 kilometers (250 miles) to a game just to hold up the four numbers that form 1488," he says.
The Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Germany's domestic intelligence agency, estimated that in 2009 -- the most recent year for which figures are available -- there were 195 far-right organizations in the country with around 26,000 members. The agency can shut down Kameradschaften, gangs or brotherhoods which are deemed violent. But many other groups in the neo-Nazi scene -- such as rock bands with suggestive lyrics or clothing companies with coded symbols -- often fly under the legal radar, provided they don't openly display symbols like swastikas or explicitly support Adolf Hitler or his party.
Borrowing Symbols
The number of codes has increased since the first edition of the brochure was published in 2001. That publication only listed around 100 symbols. "The image of neo-Nazis is much more diverse today," says Weiss. Right-wing extremists used to wear bomber jackets and have skinheads, he explains, but now their style incorporates elements from pop and rock culture. "Now they have piercings," he says.
Similarly, old symbols are given new meanings, Weiss explains, giving the example of the kaffiyeh scarf, a symbol of Palestinian nationalism. "That is used nowadays simply as a symbol of struggle against Israel," says Weiss, pointing out that neo-Nazis ignore the broader meaning of the garment when they co-opt it as a symbol.
The increasingly diverse image of right-wing extremists mean that neo-Nazis can often blend in at left-wing demonstrations or in a sports stadium, Weiss explains. "The problem is that many of these people no longer stand out."
Source: Spiegel
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